The former US second-in-command Dick Cheney, who passed away at the age of 84, was regarded as arguably the most significant incumbents of the vice-presidency in US history. Although numerous vice-presidents had to settle for minor or ceremonial positions, Cheney held substantial influence during the administration of George W Bush, so much so that he was often referred to as the "real president".
Bush objected to such a characterisation and said the connection was more nuanced. He observed that Cheney was courteous, consistently addressing him in public as President, while he called him as Dick. Bush challenged even characterisations of their association as a collaboration because it implied that they were on equal footing. In spite of these objections, Cheney viewed the relaxed president accommodating on a wide array of policy decisions.
A Post-9/11 Era
At the head of a contingent of conservative hawks that included military head Donald Rumsfeld and Pentagon second-in-command Paul Wolfowitz, he pushed hard for the armed incursion of Iraq in 2003 in reaction to the terrorist strikes on New York and Washington. At the time of the 9/11 strike, Bush had been taking part in a gathering at a school in Florida. As Bush traveled to a secure location in Nebraska, Cheney took command, ordering the destruction of any non-communicating aircraft approaching the US Capitol.
Cheney stated the assaults changed him, making him become focused on retribution. Along with other neo-cons, including Rumsfeld and Wolfowitz, he lobbied for a invasion of Afghanistan in an endeavor to seize Osama bin Laden. Cheney then pressed fiercely for the military action of Iraq, though there was little proof of Saddam Hussein being involved.
Disputed Policies
He voiced no apologies about the military campaign, in which an estimated 100,000 Iraqis lost their lives, or about the harsh treatment of detainees captured after 9/11. He told CNN in 2015 that the Iraq invasion effort, which was predicated on faulty reports repeated by Cheney, was the proper decision. "It proved to be the right thing to do then. I had faith then and I believe it today."
But even then, there were contrary opinions at a high level about the botched execution of Iraq. One of the administration's own special envoys to the area, General Anthony Zinni (2001-03), was not reappointed from the post. "I witnessed, as a baseline," he wrote later "obvious failure, negligence, and unaccountability: in the worst case, lying, incompetence, and corruption."
Wider Perspective
Cheney was not completely responsible for the Iraq invasion. Prior to 9/11, Wolfowitz had called for such action. He had drafted a memo detailing circumstances in which national priorities might be endangered (encompassing "access to vital raw materials, mostly Persian Gulf oil"). Wolfowitz had contended that "the US should be positioned to act independently when collective action cannot be arranged," specifically referencing armed actions against Iraq.
Bush too had arrived in the White House vaguely intent on implementing what his father had famously refused to do in 1991; overthrow Saddam. Following he had been dismissed by the administration, the treasury secretary Paul O'Neill revealed how, at the first meeting of the National Security Council in January 2001, Bush had announced his plan of diminishing America's participation in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and proposed armed intervention against Iraq.
Bush carried a personal grudge against Saddam, believing he had been involved in a conspiracy to assassinate his parent, President George HW Bush, on a trip to Kuwait in 1993. He additionally objected to that one of the biggest establishments in Baghdad had a ground design with a image of his predecessor's countenance that everyone had to walk over.
Questioning Techniques
But it was Cheney who was one of the most vehement supporting attacking Iraq, consistently citing information documents that were either weak or entirely misleading. He backed what the Bush administration indirectly described as "advanced techniques", the use of simulated drowning and harsh treatment.
Responding to a Senate analysis in 2014 that found that no actionable intelligence had come from the harsh techniques, Cheney rejected the findings as "loaded with crap". He told Fox News: "We instructed [the CIA] to establish protocols and create programmes to catch the bastards who murdered 3,000 of us on 9/11 and ensure it never happened again. That is precisely what they did and they merit a lot of praise."
External Perception
Cheney took pleasure in nicknames assigned to him by critics such as the dark character and the sinister presence, and by the notion that he was a sinister influence controlling Bush. In the author's 2013 volume about the duo, Days of Fire: Bush and Cheney in the White House, Cheney is reported as stating: "Is it me who is the malevolent mastermind in the background that remains unseen come out of his lair? This represents a advantageous way to work, actually."
Corporate Connections
Dispute over his corporate affiliations followed him throughout his time as vice-president. Although he had limited background in business but good contacts in military, notably in Saudi Arabia, he was invited to join Halliburton, one of the world's largest petroleum conglomerates, in 1995 as chairman and chief executive.
In 2000 he became Bush's running mate for the executive branch. Contentiously, during the military campaign, Halliburton was awarded US contracts valued at billions.
It greatly increased his wealth. His annual income during his time at the corporation rose from his previous salary when he was military head to over four million. When he departed in 2000 he had a compensation package worth over $20m|twenty
